Monsour Freedom Campaign was scheduled to speak with Peace Park until being notified that the invitation was rescinded. This action was taken because they had disagreed with Monsour being called a political prisoner instead of a ‘politicized’ prisoner. Monsour responds by issuing a constructive criticism for Peace Park.
[00:00:00]
Revolutionary greetings. After being led back and forth with discourse between you and my comrade that is working with me on my freedom campaign, concerning political prisoners, I felt compelled to address this topic—and you, and your organization—directly. When we talk about political prisoners—yes, us as the Monsour Freedom Campaign—we use James Yaki Sayles [1], a very well known and respected New Afrikan revolutionary nationalist and New Afrikan communist theorist, we use his definition [2]. Further, we also continue in the tradition of well-known political prisoners and prisoners of war like the late Mutulu Shakur [3] who, in his piece on the counterinsurgency and behavior modification in the US prison system on the Black Nation [4], he defines political prisoners in like manner, as we do.
[00:01:26]
Furthermore, we also stand on the shoulders of this definition on another New Afrikan POW: Russell Maroon Shoatz [5], who in his piece “The 21st Century Political Prisoner: Real and Imagined” [6] speaks to how the shift was beginning to occur in the early 2000s—or what had already occurred from the mid-80s into that space in the 2000s and definitely now—the shift from the ‘traditional’, if you will, political prisoner to what we now call in the Monsour Freedom Campaign the New Political Prisoner.
[00:02:09]
We have to begin to analyze this and all phenomena in a dialectical and materialist fashion. And in doing this, I mean to say that this definition and this phenomenon of what is and isn’t a political prisoner is a living, breathing, ongoing phenomenon, right? It’s not static, it’s not words on a paper that says ‘this is the definition’ and that’s it, okay? It’s based off our material conditions, our strategy to revolution, and in that we ask two questions—what is the function of prison? What is the form and function of a prison movement? So when we talk about these things we see a clear dichotomy and a clear schism between those who are fixated on defining political prisoner in a narrow way and those who are not.
[00:03:17]
Those who are not, we define the function of the prison to be very concise—as a tool of counterinsurgency and genocide against not only the New Afrikan Nation but other oppressed nations and classes, okay? In that, we see the function of the prison movement as not to prop up one individual or another in some type of celebratory role, but to indeed utilize specific cases and occurrences within the system to highlight the genocidal and counter-insurgent nature of the prison system as a whole and the role it plays to our people and our movement. This is what the Monsour Freedom Campaign—and others long before us, and hopefully after us—are doing and have done.
[00:04:24]
To highlight this, a lot of the well-known political prisoners of yesteryear from Geronimo Ji-Jaga Pratt [7] to, as I said, Mutulu Shakur, to so many others—they organize with what you would call ‘politicized prisoners’ or ‘prisoners of conscience’. And when they did this they did not draw some line between themselves and those other prisoners, right? In fact, they called them New Afrikan prisoners or—
[00:05:01]
[call interrupted]
[00:05:12]
And so, they did not draw this line of demarcation, right? Some of them did and some of them didn’t—and that’s very important to point out because we see that at least there was a conversation, there was a debate. It wasn’t this emotionalism where ‘I’m completely shutting off debate, nor is this a primary contradiction where it becomes a diving line question. To where disagreement on this completely eradicates any way of us working together or moving forward, right? How was the Soledad Brothers [8] considered political prisoners? In fact, they didn’t even use that term, right? It was just seen that these are our people, they’re in a specific circumstance in a specific condition. They have specific politics that we agree with, we’re riding with them.
[00:06:17]
So ultimately what took precedence was the national question, right? The national question and the politics or political strategy and narrative that those particular prisoners approach the national question with. How were the Pontiac Brothers [9] considered political prisoners? Again, they did not even use the terminology—people on the outside didn’t use that terminology nor did the people inside. They just said these are our representatives in prison of, quote, the Black Nation, right? And in that, they were organizing on the outside. People like Chokwe Lumumba [10], who headed up the legal team for the Pontiac Brothers. They understood the political nature of these cases. They understood that these cases were representative of the entire people.
[00:07:19]
In one of your messages to the comrade, you say ‘we are aware’ or ‘sympathetic to’—and I’m paraphrasing here—‘Monsour’s plight’ and in that, it shows a sort of disagreement that we have. ‘Monsour’s plight’. My plight is not my plight. My plight is your plight. Your plight is my plight. This is the understanding of nationalism, for in the New Afrikan Creed [11] it says that “We believe the community is more important than the individual,” right? “We believe in the family and the community, and the community as a family, and we will work to make that concept live,” these are the principles of the New Afrikan Creed that each New Afrikan pledges and takes an oath to live by—and in our verbiage, in our political slogan a lot of times we are getting away from that, right?
[00:08:20]
We’ve allowed the enemy and the counter-insurgent tactics to divide us. So the lumpen class of New Afrika has its own struggle, right? Where the so-called working class of New Afrika has its own struggle. Where New Afrikan women have their own struggle, or the New Afrikan student has their own struggle—and here we play into the divide and conquer tactics of the enemy, right? This is opposite of revolutionary nationalism. This is opposite of the ethics of the New Afrikan Independence Movement [12]—and here we are trying to highlight that by pushing forward, in the Monsour Freedom Campaign, the phenomenon that is ongoing of Death by Incarceration [13]. Death by Incarceration affects the New Afrikan Nation like it affects no other people, right?
[00:09:19]
Right now, when we look at the prison movement—those who are on the battlefield inside of prison—you see what you would call ‘politicized prisoners’, right? So their politics, myself included, should—from you as a political actor—take precedence over what they were imprisoned for, or not imprisoned for, because ultimately the prison itself is just another front of the insurgency. It’s just another front of the movement. It’s just another front of the national struggle, right? And so what a person is judged on for how they are walking and moving in these spaces, and advocating for our movement, and pushing our movement along, makes them a real life political entity, right? Be it the individual or an organization, okay?
[00:10:31]
So we look at the world today. The primary contradiction under imperialism is the oppressed nation versus the oppressor nation, okay? We see, of course, Palestine. We see, of course, what’s occurring in Iran, right? I pinpoint these two specifically because they are ‘fire-starters’, if you will, or ‘dividing line questions’ on the left, right? These two conversations and these two phenomenon, if you will, are what the enemy is focused on, right? Depending on a person’s position on these things, right?—is determining right now exactly how radical, how revolutionary they are.
[00:11:28]
Here we are living in a world where the prison movement, right?—political prisoners—those who, you know, are the ‘traditional’ political prisoners and brothers—are either not vocal on what’s going on or have a—in my opinion—reactionary line on this and are vocal about that, right? And before I get too far off topic, we have to understand the material development of the phenomenon of political prisoners. The political prisoner movement in occupied Turtle Island—in the era that it starts up—it has a strategic goal to take the unique plight of select class of prisoners to the United Nations because of the Geneva Convention and its ruling on what political prisoners and prisoners of war are [14]. That was the strategy, and it was acted out. Now we have to question what was the result and outcome of that strategy? Was it a net positive, net negative, somewhere in between? We have to weigh it out.
[00:12:49]
Further along, in 2026, are we still practicing that strategy? To my knowledge, the only ‘traditional’ political prisoner right now that is practicing anywhere close to that strategy is Mumia Abu-Jamal [15], who recently passed along a petition for his release to the United Nations [16], right? Outside of that, that strategy is not being had, okay? So if that is no longer that strategy—and that was the strategy that gave rise to the definition of what a political prisoner is—then its fair to say that the entire definition of what a political prisoner is, in material terms and strategic terms, has changed.
[00:13:45]
And that is the question I don’t think we’re grappling with. This is not to erase who is—people who are political prisoners, right? But it is to say that they are not the only political prisoners, okay? And because of their actions, and the actions of their generation, and the counter-actions of our enemy, you have people like myself. You have areas, and cities, and places within this country that are ‘apolitical’—classes among our people that are ‘apolitical’—that have been completely alienated from any type of social and political movement of our people, right? We’ve been outcast by our people and by the enemy, and therefore we run to criminality. And therefore, the prison system is waiting on us.
[00:14:48]
This is a political thing—it’s not just an individual choice, right? Because the person’s individual choice is placated on their conditions, and their conditions are placated on individual choice. It’s a dialectical relationship, right? And so after making these—whatever choices they make—they get imprisoned, assuming they are guilty—because that’s not always the case—now they come into prison and you’re in a political environment. An environment designed to reshape and remold you into an envisioned being that your keepers want you to be, okay? And that doesn’t just mean a person that no longer commits crimes. That’s a person who no longer commits crimes and has a certain mind-frame and a world view that is aligned with capitalists, imperialists—aligned with those who oppress New Afrika. And this is what they’re trying to reshape and remold you into—the model American.
[00:15:57]
This is a political front—and if people gravitate to the New Afrikan Independence Movement within this political front, we should count this as a net positive that should be embraced and not rejected. This is indeed a political prisoner.
[00:16:21]
[recording ends]
References:
[1] “… Yaki put his prodigious intellect and drive to work in the study of the descendants of enslaved Afrikans (New Afrikans), and our current social, economic and political reality. Because he was a “bottom of the pile negro” (thank you, Malcolm), he wrote to and for the oppressed masses, who often have no representative amongst our so-called “leaders.” He concentrated on developing theory for the voiceless in their struggle against neo-colonialism and settler-imperialism.” Preface written by Hondo T. (Black Theoreticians in the Prison Camps via BrotherMalcolm).
ONLINE
[2] James Yaki Sayles, “On Transforming the Colonial and ‘Criminal’ Mentality,” Notes From a New Afrikan POW Journal – Book 7 (New Afrikan Prisoners Organization: Spear & Shield Publications).
PDF
“Political Prisoners are those arrested, framed, and otherwise imprisoned because of relatively peaceful political activity against the oppressive conditions of the people. Political Prisoners are also those Captured Colonials inside the walls who have adopted a “revolutionary mentality” and become politically active. Activity on the part of PP’s behind the walls results in denial of release, punitive transfers, harassment and brutality, long periods of isolation, close censorship of mail and visits, behavior modification attempts, and even assassination at the hands of prison administrators, who sometimes employ reactionary prisoners to do their jobs for them”
[3] “Dr. Mutulu Shakur was a political prisoner, doctor of acupuncture and holistic medicine and member of the NewAfrikan Independence Movement. Dr. Shakur played a key energizing role in the Lincoln Detox program and other community health initiatives in the 1960s and 1970s. He also coordinated the National Task Force for Cointelpro Litigation and Research which investigated the US government’s conspiracy against the Black Liberation Movement. In March 1982, Dr. Shakur and others were indicted by a federal grand jury under a set of US conspiracy laws (RICO laws). He was captured in 1986. Mutulu and his supporters fought for compassionate release and he passed outside of prison walls in 2023.” (The Freedom Archives).
ONLINE
[4] Dr. Mutulu Shakur et al, “Genocide Waged Against the Black Nation through Behavior Modification/Orchestration by Counterinsurgency and Low-Intensity Warfare in the US Penal System,” Presented for Consideration by the Research Committee on International Law and Black Freedom Fighters in the United States (31 December 1987).
PDF
“When the term political prisoner is used in this paper it is not limited to those who are incarcerated as a result of their political beliefs, actions, or affiliations. The term includes persons in prison fro social crimes who became politicized inside prison walls and who oriented their lives around the struggle for social justice and national liberation. Such persons as MALCOLM X, GEORGE JACKSON, THE ATTICA WARRIORS, and the many other men and women of yesterday and today’s struggle would be and are encompassed in the term.”
[5] “Our beloved friend, comrade, mentor, client, and inspiration, Russell Maroon Shoatz transitioned from this life on Earth today. After 49 years in prison, Maroon was finally released on October 26th. He passed away at his sister’s home 52 days later, surrounded by the love and care of his family. There are few words, if any, that will do justice in describing Maroon, the impact he’s had on all of us, the gigantic legacy he leaves behind. If you are reading this, chances are, at some point you came in contact with Maroon, either directly – or subliminally: many projects in the struggle for Black Liberation and abolition can be traced back to him, the contemporary Political Prisoners’ rights movement in Pennsylvania beginning with him.” (Abolitionist Law Center).
ONLINE
[6] Russell Maroon Shoatz, “Twenty-First Century Political Prisoners: Real and Potential,” Maroon the Implacable: The Collected Writings of Russell Maroon Shoatz (PM Press 2013).
BOOK
[7] “Geronimo Ji-Jaga, affectionately known as ‘G’, was a major figure in the Black Liberation Struggle. Geronimo was a member of the Black Panther Party and spent 27 years in prison for a murder he did not commit. Geronimo passed away in 2011” (The Freedom Archives).
ONLINE
[8] “The Soledad Brothers (George Jackson, Fleeta Drumgo and John Clutchette) were charged with the murder of white prison guard at California’s Soledad Prison on January 16, 1970. After two years and the murder of George Jackson. The two surviving Soledad Brothers—Clutchette and Drumgo—were acquitted by a San Francisco jury of the original charges.” (The Freedom Archives).
ONLINE
[9] “On July 22, 1978, prisoners at Pontiac Prison (Illinois) rebelled. During the rebellion 3 white guards were killed and millions of dollars of damage was done to the prison. For the next 8 months, prisoners were locked in their cells 24 hours a day while investigators gathered their evidence. Testimony by these investigators during the pre-trial motions revealed that bribery (over $75,000 at that point had been paid to witnesses) and intimidation (reluctant witnesses were threatened with the electric chair) were tools of “persuasion.” Eventually, 31 men, 28 Black and 3 Latino, were indicted for various crimes. Sixteen of these men, all Black, were charged with killing each guard 4 different ways. These men faced a total of 200 charges, any one of which could lead to the death penalty. The Pontiac case is the largest civilian death penalty case in the history of the US.” (The Freedom Archives).
ONLINE
[10] “Chokwe Lumumba (1947-2014) was an activist, attorney, and co-founder and member of the Malcolm X Grassroots Movement. He has represented a number of political prisoners and activists and actively organized for the Republic of New Afrika (RNA).” (The Freedom Archives).
ONLINE
[11] The New Afrikan Creed (Shaka Shakur Freedom Campaign).
ONLINE
[12] “The New Afrikan Independence Movement (NAIM) began on March 31, 1968, with the New Afrikan Declaration of Independence. The Republic of New Afrika (RNA) marked that date as the beginning of a coalition-based effort of organizations around the country to establish a Black nation-state in the US South over the lands of Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia, and South Carolina. Since the RNA and its provisional government (PG-RNA) was established, there have been many formations that also adopted the RNA’s principles around developing a New Afrikan national identity and striving to build the New Afrikan nation-state. These formations, such as the New Afrikan People’s Organization, Community Movement Builders, and People’s Programs to name just a few, have carried on in this half-century-long struggle to liberate territory in the US South and advance towards making New Afrika possible, all the banner of the NAIM.” (The Freedom Archives).
ONLINE
[13] “Death by Incarceration is Torture: The Cruelty of Life Imprisonment in the United States” NGO Shadow Report before the United Nations Human Rights Committee 139th Session (3 November 2023).
PDF
[14] “Geneva Convention relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War” United Nations Diplomatic Conference for the Establishment of International Conventions for the Protection of Victims of War (1949).
ONLINE
[15] “Mumia Abu-Jamal is an internationally celebrated black writer and radio journalist, author of six books and hundreds of columns and articles, organizer and inspiration for the prison lawyers movement, former member of the Black Panther Party and supporter of Philadelphia’s radical MOVE organization who has spent the last 30 years in prison, almost all of it in solitary confinement on Pennsylvania’s Death Row.” (International Concerned Family and Friends of Mumia Abu-Jamal).
ONLINE
[16] “In the Matter of Mumia Abu-Jamal, Citizen of the United States of America v. Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, United States of America” Petition to United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention (July 2026).
PDF
